中国级别最高的企业

紫楠 发表于 2008-07-02 03:43:25

中国级别最高的企业 2008-06-26 10:03
以下这169家中央企业，隶属于国务院国资委，是中国级别最高的企业，享受国务院财政拨款。这些企业招聘门槛较高，很多只要一类学校毕业生。序号并非排名，除垄断行业公司外的其他公司待遇未必有一些知名外企高，但是只要你在这些企业呆过，你想跳槽的话竞争力肯定比一般公司出来的强得多。这些公司的管理者都具有行政级别（总经理是正厅级），如果在这些企业能够谋得一官半职，将会享受与同级别政府官员的待遇。

1 中国核工业集团公司
2 中国核工业建设集团公司
3 中国航天科技集团公司
4 中国航天科工集团公司
5 中国航空工业第一集团公司
6 中国航空工业第二集团公司
7 中国船舶工业集团公司
8 中国船舶重工集团公司
9 中国兵器工业集团公司
10 中国兵器装备集团公司
11 中国电子科技集团公司
12 中国石油天然气集团公司
13 中国石油化工集团公司
14 中国海洋石油总公司
15 国家电网公司
16 中国南方电网有限责任公司
17 中国华能集团公司
18 中国大唐集团公司
19 中国华电集团公司
20 中国国电集团公司
21 中国电力投资集团公司
22 中国长江三峡工程开发总公司
23 神华集团有限责任公司
24 中国电信集团公司
25 中国网络通信集团公司
26 中国联合通信有限公司
27 中国移动通信集团公司
28 中国电子信息产业集团公司
29 中国第一汽车集团公司
30 东风汽车公司
31 中国第一重型机械集团公司
32 中国第二重型机械集团公司
33 哈尔滨电站设备集团公司
34 中国东方电气集团公司
35 鞍山钢铁集团公司
36 上海宝钢集团有限公司
37 武汉钢铁（集团）公司
38 中国铝业公司
39 中国远洋运输（集团）总公司
40 中国海运（集团）总公司
41 中国航空集团公司
42 中国东方航空集团公司
43 中国南方航空集团公司
44 中国中化集团公司
45 中国粮油食品（集团）有限公司
46 中国五矿集团公司
47 中国通用技术（集团）控股有限责任公司
48 中国建筑工程总公司
49 中国储备粮管理总公司
50 国家开发投资公司
51 招商局集团有限公司
52 华润（集团）有限公司
53 香港中旅（集团）有限公司
54 中国节能投资公司
55 中国高新投资集团公司
56 中国国际工程咨询公司
57 中谷粮油集团公司
58 中国包装总公司
59 中商企业集团公司
60 中国华孚贸易发展集团公司
61 中国诚通控股公司
62 中国华星集团公司
63 中国中煤能源集团公司
64 煤炭科学研究总院
65 中国汽车工业总公司
66 中国机械工业集团公司
67 机械科学研究院
68 中国农业机械化科学研究院
69 中国中钢集团公司
70 中国冶金建设集团公司
71 钢铁研究总院
72 冶金自动化研究设计院
73 中国化工集团公司
74 中国化学工程集团公司
75 中国化工供销（集团）总公司
76 中国化工建设总公司
77 中国轻工集团公司
78 中国轻工业对外经济技术合作公司
79 中国工艺美术（集团）公司
80 中国盐业总公司
81 华诚投资管理有限公司
82 中国恒天集团公司
83 中国纺织科学研究院
84 中国材料工业科工集团公司
85 中国建筑材料集团公司
86 中国有色矿业集团有限公司
87 北京有色金属研究总院
88 北京矿冶研究总院
89 中国国际技术智力合作公司
90 中国远东国际贸易总公司
91 中国国际企业合作公司
92 中国经济技术投资担保有限公司
93 中国地质工程集团公司
94 中国房地产开发集团公司
95 中国建筑科学研究院
96 中国北方机车车辆工业集团公司
97 中国南方机车车辆工业集团公司
98 中国铁路通信信号集团公司
99 中国铁路工程总公司
100 中国铁道建筑总公司
101 中国交通建设集团有限公司
102 中国普天信息产业集团公司
103 中国邮电器材集团公司
104 中国卫星通信集团公司
105 电信科学技术研究院
106 中国水利投资公司
107 中国农业发展集团总公司
108 中国农垦（集团）总公司
109 中国种子集团公司
110 中国中纺集团公司
111 中国工艺品进出口总公司
112 中国对外贸易运输（集团）总公司
113 中国丝绸进出口总公司
114 中国轻工业品进出口总公司
115 中国成套设备进出口（集团）总公司
116 中国出国人员服务总公司
117 中国生物技术集团公司
118 中国唱片总公司
119 中国林业国际合作集团公司
120 中国福马林业机械集团有限公司
121 中国医药集团总公司
122 中国国旅集团公司
123 中国中旅（集团）公司
124 中国新兴（集团）总公司
125 中国保利集团公司
126 中国新时代控股（集团）公司
127 珠海振戎公司
128 中国海洋航空集团公司
129 中国建筑设计研究院
130 中国电子工程设计院
131 中煤国际工程设计研究总院
132 中国海诚国际工程投资总院
133 中国纺织工业设计院
134 中国冶金地质勘查工程总局
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136 新兴铸管集团有限公司
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144 中国储备棉管理总公司
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151 中国华源集团有限公司
152 中国广东核电集团有限公司
153 中国寰岛（集团）公司
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155 长江口航道建设有限公司
156 上海船舶运输科学研究所
157 中国华录集团有限公司
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多杰雄登-雄天的信众 起诉达赖喇嘛进行宗教迫害

紫楠 发表于 2008-05-22 12:57:34

　我们尝试把原文的章节进行翻译。这里面掺杂了太多的藏教知识，我们此前又从未没接触过与藏传佛教有关的内容，只能依靠自己的理解先做一些说明和分析：

　　a 起诉是发生在印度，无论是原告还是被告，都是逃亡到印度的藏人。

　　b 原告是信奉多杰雄登(Dorje Shugden)的信徒，就像中原佛教有供奉观音的，有供奉罗汉的。

　　c “Dalai Lama”和“班禅”一样，是藏教中活佛的名字，现在是第14世Dalai Lama，他的名字是丹增嘉措。我们以前一直以为是一个叫达赖的喇嘛，妄图把西藏从祖国分裂出去。其实达赖喇嘛是一个完整的名词，在藏语中是“大海上师”的意思。单独念其为“达赖”，应该是不准确的。
　　在藏教中，Dalai Lama被视为观音菩萨的化身（观音什么时候变成男的了），和班禅都是活着的佛，和寺庙里供奉的佛一样拥有很高的地位，可以接受供奉和敬仰。只不过他们要吃饭说话，寺庙里的泥佛不吃饭不说话。。

　　多杰雄登又被称作雄天（Gyaiqen Xudain）。其网站 DorjeShugden.com 上有一句 Dorje Shugden and Dalai Lama - Spreading dharma together，解释为多杰雄登和达赖喇嘛共同传播教义。其中文分站 xiongdeng.com 里称多杰雄登为护法。所以我们推测Dorje Shungden这种只有塑像的神，在藏教中的地位比Dalai Lama和班禅这种佛的地位要低。

        d 不要以为多杰雄登的信徒起诉Dalai Lama与爱国无关。其中文分站上有一句话：达赖喇嘛从偏僻闭塞的西藏登上世界历史舞台，是多杰雄登为他铺平了道路。这说明原告也是跟随Dalai Lama逃亡到国外的，是因为受到了被告的不公平对待而起诉的，而且原告认定Dalai Lama现在拥有的这些影响是自己的扶持、护住是分不开的，原告对被告的"卸磨杀驴"行为很不满。

        e 发表原文的网站属于 Sunmati Ayra，我们分析她应该是个藏传佛教，除了那些图片外，她的名字非常有特点，Sunmati 这个词是梵语，音译是须摩提，意译是妙慧，有一部经书就叫《须摩提经》，也叫《妙慧童女经》（经书中的妙慧是个8岁的小女孩）。经文通过妙慧的故事，来说明对于女人不应轻视，对初学者也不可以傲慢，并用此来说明女人和年幼者在佛教中自有其地位的平等思想。

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原文 http://www.sumatiarya.nl

 

April 13, 2008

       In the Tibetan school, Bylakupee, Tibetan students were asked to give signatures that they never worship Shugden, and also to pledge that they will never share religious and material amenities with Shugden people. 20 students refused to sign and pledge. So they face danger of expulsion from the school.

       在Bylakupee的藏族学校，藏民学生被要求签字证明从未供奉过雄登，并且被要求保证以后决不允许雄登的信徒使用他们的宗教和物质设施。有20个学生拒绝签名和作保证，他们面临被学校开除的危险

       In the three different camps at Bylakupee, the signature and oath campaigns were carried out. It was presided by abbots of Sera and the Dalai lama’s representative.
        在Bylakupee的其它营地，签名和宣誓运动已经展开。这个运动由Sera的住持和达赖喇嘛的代表担任指挥者。

       The situation is getting worse. And more miserable and suffering shugden devotees.
       局势持续变糟，雄登的信徒因此更悲惨、更痛苦。

[ 注意：
      上文中的Tibetan School,Bylakupee （藏族学校）指的是在印度的藏族流亡者聚居区的学校，不是西藏的藏族学校。我们查阅到Bylakupee这个地方在印度：Bylakupee, a Tibetan Settlement in the Indian State of Karnataka, Chogyab, and Ayang Tulku Bylakupee，一个藏族人居住区，位于印度的坎纳塔邦和...邦..邦，好像是把20多个村落或营地共同成为Bylakupee。

      Sera应该是指Ser May Dratsang（莎昧扎仓）这个创建于1419年，为僧侣提供基础教育的学校。扎仓是学校的意思。但是估计这个地方应该在外观上和寺庙差不多。
     Sera Mey Dratsang, built in 1419, which gave basic instruction to the monks。

      我们估计，这个行为可以被理解为“宗教排挤”。 ]

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                       Subject: Seramay Announcement
                                          Sera May 公告－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－－

Sera May Dratsang Cutural Society
SeraMay扎仓 学联
Sera Mey Dratsang, built in 1419, which gave basic instruction to the monks，扎仓是学校的意思，SeraMay扎仓创建于1419年，为僧侣提供基础教育。

(Registered under Karnataka Societies Registration Act, 1960 No 20967 – 1988)
Phone 91-8223-258207 258408 Fax   258576 Email: sera_mey@yahoo.com


Important Announcement


April 5, 2008, except those who were expelled in front of the assembled monks in Sera Lachi by two disciplinarians, here is for all:


1    Those who did not take oath and pledge in this locality must completely give their oaths and pledge between 2008 April 10, 2008 to 2008 April 25.
2    Similarly, the monks in India, Nepal and Bhutan must come down to the monastery on 2008 May 10, and give the oath and pledges accorded the other monks.
3    Those monks who were admitted in this monastery living in abroad should give their oaths and pledges within 2008 May 10. (The concerned monastic section must take care.)

    If case [they] do not take oath and pledge within the given dateline, [they] are expelled from the monastery accorded the other monasteries.

      Once again, on 2008, April 7, at 6 pm, the abbot, ex-abbots, the disciplinarian, the chanting master, Lamas and Geshes, the senior monks, the delegates of 13 monastic sections have thoroughly discussed and passed the above-mentioned points as resolutions. Those participants in the meeting gave their signatures of support.


Sera-May Thoesam Norling Monastery
                               罗林僧院
2008 April 9
2008.04.09


Sera-May abbot (Signature)               Sera-May administrator (Signature)
                     住持                                                           管理人

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From http://www.uticaod.com/homepage/x170774178 原始链接
我们尽量按照愿意翻译，但请大家注意：原文是西方记者写的，他的用词和态度给我们不一样。

                      One leader, two protests
                     一个首领同时面对两类抗议
By CHINKI SINHA
Observer-Dispatch
Posted Apr 22, 2008 @ 09:37 PM

HAMILTON — The protests outside the Dalai Lama’s address at Colgate University on Tuesday had two distinct tones – one political, the other religious.
周三，发生在美国科尔盖特大学达赖喇嘛居住地外面的抗议，同时带有两种截然不同的声音－政治的、宗教的

Two groups outside Sanford Field House shouted slogans and held placards protesting the Dalai Lama’s stand on two issues – autonomy for Tibet and his banning of worship of Dorje Shugden, a protective diety in the Tibetan Buddhist faith.
两路抗议者在桑福德会议中心外面高呼口号并张贴布告，以抗议达赖喇嘛的两个主张－西藏独立和禁止藏教供奉“多杰雄登”这个被藏传佛教信徒所信仰的保护神（护法）。


Chinese students from nearby institutions of higher learning, including Cornell University, Hamilton College and Syracuse University, called upon the Dalai Lama to stop what they called his attempts to divide China by separating Tibet.
从附近机构和高校来的中国留学生，包括康奈尔大学、哈密尔顿学院、锡拉丘兹大学，号召达赖停止他们所说的分裂中国分离西藏的企图。

The Dalai Lama said in his speech he was only seeking autonomy for Tibet, and not asking for separation from China.
达赖说他的演讲只是寻求西藏自治，而不是说要分裂中国。

The Chinese students said they had assembled at Colgate to dispel myths about China, which they said has been a victim of media distortion on the Tibetan issue.
中国留学生说他们将聚集到科尔盖特大学去揭露对中国虚妄之言，他们说媒体对西藏问题的失实报道成为一种损害。

Media reports in recent weeks have shown protests by Tibetan monks and a crackdown by Chinese authorities.
最近几个星期的媒体报道描述了西藏僧侣的抗议活动及来自中国当局的镇压。

“I think the West traditionally has a misunderstanding of China,” said Xin Wang, a Hamilton College student. “We were angered.”
“我相信西方传统上存在对中国的误解”，王星(音译)，一个哈密尔顿学院的学生说：“我们被激怒了”

The group mobilized through a network of friends and Web sites such a facebook.com.
抗议团体通过网络、朋友关系和Facebook.com这类的网站进行了动员。

In the other protest, hundreds of Buddhist monks, nuns and other practitioners of Dorje Shugden called for the 72-year-old monk to stop discrimination against the Shugden believers and allow for the freedom of worship.
另一些抗议来自数百名（藏教）佛教徒僧侣、僧尼和多杰雄登的追随者要求72岁老僧停止歧视、挤兑雄登信徒，要求信仰自由。

In 1996, the Dalai Lama said the worship of Dorje Shugden was banned because the deity was a threat to the future of Tibet.
1996年，达赖喇嘛说信仰多杰雄登是不允许的，因为这个护法对西藏未来的一威胁。

But for the protestors, the ban is unfounded and oppressive, they said.
但是抗议者讲，对他们来说禁令是毫无理由的，是压迫。

Ah Dhar, a Tibetan and a believer in Shugden, said the Dalai Lama is tearing the Buddhist religion into many pieces by banning the sect.
阿达哈，一个藏族的雄登信徒，说：达赖喇嘛通过禁止驱逐该教派，把藏传佛教徒团体分散很多块。

There is too much suffering among the Tibetan people because of it, he said.
因为这个，西藏人遭受太多的痛苦，他说。

“He says peace but doesn’t give us religious freedom,” said Dhar, who arrived from Tibet to participate in the protest.
达哈说：“他（达赖喇嘛）说和平带不给我们宗教自由，”阿达哈是从西藏赶来参加抗议活动的。

以上是全文。
多杰雄登又被称作雄天（Gyaiqen Xudain）。其网站 DorjeShugden.com 上有一句 Dorje Shugden and Dalai Lama - Spreading dharma together，解释为多杰雄登和达赖喇嘛共同传播教义。其中文分站 xiongdeng.com 里称多杰雄登为护法。英文网站里称Dalai Lama为God King 天网。估计多杰雄登在佛教中的地位比Dalai Lama低。

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从印度德里传来的重要信息
Important news from Delhi, India.   

                                                   关于08年4月28日举行记者招待会的公告
                             Announcement of a press conference at Delhi, India on the 28th of April 08

先生们、女士们
Dear Sir/Madam,

      这份公告是想通知诸位，08年4月28日，我们将在印度德里的记者俱乐部举办新闻发布会。
      This is to inform you that we are going to hold a Press Conference on the 28th April 2008, at the Press Club of India.

     发布会的实质是关于14世达赖喇嘛和他的流亡政府一直以来对多杰雄登护法及其信徒的持久迫害。而笼罩在西藏首领和他心满意足的部下周围的光环，已在－－对客观事物有全面和敏锐洞察力的批评人士，以及因与天王（达赖喇嘛）的宗教意愿相悖，被称作中国政府的支持者和“隐藏的邪恶力量”的人－－所提供的客观证据及详细调查之下，变的黯淡。这就是为什么许多人把我们当作一支不出名的藏教信服少数派一笔勾销，或者仅仅写一个名词“宗派”－这个曾经在西方曾经驱使很多人变得偏执的词。
     The substance of our conference is related to the consistent and sustained persecution of the deity Dorje Shugden and his followers by the 14th Dalai Lama and his exiled Administration. However, due to the ‘larger than life’ aura of the Tibetan leader and euphoric following - besides the overall and compelling perception of viewing anything critical, or, contrary to the God-King, as being pro-Chinese and ‘camouflaged evil’ - has resulted in witnessing objectivity and scrutiny going to the doldrums! This is probably the reason why some people have written us off as an obscure minority amongst Tibetan Buddhist followers or have simply subscribed to the term ‘sect’ - a word that drives many in the West to paranoia!

 

 

     那些把达赖喇嘛放到圣雄甘地同等地位的人，或简单的认为他有被信仰的价值－如同情心、非暴力、理性主义的人，在回避一个真相：同一个天王控制着一个羽翼已丰、有官僚机构也有司法制度等等的神权政府。相反的，与这个西藏诺贝尔获奖者描绘的那些未经甄别就被赞同的乌托邦形象相比，实际情况已经以传说的方式弥散开来。那里存在宗教隔离政策，在那里，多杰雄登护法的信徒遭受驱逐、隔离和各种形式的伤害。这些行为还在继续发生而未受到惩罚。
    Those who would like to place the Dalai Lama on the same pedestal as Gandhi or who simply believe him to be espousing values - such as compassion, non-violence and rationalism - avoid the fact that the same God-King runs a fully-fledged theocratic Government, with bureaucracies and judiciary etc. Reality - on the contrary – is pervaded with a story in contrast to the utopian image of this Tibetan Nobel-laureate that has been uncritically subscribed to. There exists a scenario of apartheid, where followers of the Tibetan Buddhist deity Dorje Shugden are experiencing outcasting, segregation and all forms of abuses, that goes on with impunity.

 

      我们坚信新闻媒体是不惜一切代价保持客观、坚持真相的。大规模的洋洋得意或是歇斯底里的沙文主义都不是报导的实质，一个有责任心的作者在向名声屈从之前是会三思而行的。我们希望您听听我们这边讲述的事情。
     We believe that journalism is about objectivity and the upholding of Truth at all costs; that mass euphoria or hysterical jingoism are not substance for reporting and that a conscientious writer would think twice before subscribing to servility towards celebrities. We do hope that you will listen to our side of the story.


     提前感谢您的参加
Thanking you in anticipation,

                                                                                                            多杰雄登宗教团体 敬上
                                                                                                Yours sincerely   Dorje Shugden Society Delhi.

 

aura:气氛 氛围
euphoric
following：追随者

journalism:新闻业，报刊杂志

the aura of autumn 秋韵

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大陆与台湾行政系统高官学历比较

紫楠 发表于 2008-04-23 22:10:39

中华人民共和国国务院
总理：温家宝，66岁，学历：研究生，北京地质学院（1968）
副总理：李克强，53岁，学历：在职博士，北京大学
        回良玉，64岁，学历：大专，省委党校
        张德江，62岁，学历：大学，金日成综合大学（1968）
        王岐山，60岁，学历：大学，西北大学 （1976）
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中华民国行政院
院长：刘兆炫，65岁，学历：博士，加拿大多伦多大学（1971）
副院长：邱正雄，65岁，学历：博士，美国俄亥俄州立大学（1978）
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中华人民共和国国务委员
刘延东，63岁，学历：在职博士，吉林大学
梁光烈，68岁，学历：在职大专，河南大学
马凯，62岁，学历：研究生，中国人民大学（1982）
孟建柱，61岁，学历：在职研究生，上海机械学院
戴秉国，67岁，学历：大学，四川大学（1964）
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中华民国政务委员
蔡勋雄，67岁，学历：博士，美国普林斯顿大学（1979）
朱云鹏，62岁，学历：博士，美国马里兰大学（1982）
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大陆国务院秘书长：马凯（兼）
台湾行政院秘书长：薛香川，62岁，学历：博士，美国威斯康辛大学（1974）
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台湾内政部：廖风德，57岁，学历：博士，国立政治大学（1980）
大陆民政部长：李学举，63岁，学历：研究生
大陆公安部长：孟建柱，61岁，学历：在职研究生，上海机械学院
大陆国家安全部：耿惠昌，57岁，学历：大学
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台湾经济部长：尹启铭，55岁，学历：博士，国立政治大学（1988）
台湾经济建设委员会主委：陈添枝，学历：博士，美国宾州州立大学
大陆发展与改革委员会：张平，62岁，学历：中专，安徽银行学校（1966）
大陆工业与信息化部长：李毅中，63岁，学历：大学，北京石油学院（1966）
大陆商务部长：陈德铭，59岁，学历：在职博士
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大陆外交部长：杨洁篪，58岁，学历：博士？没有正式学历？
台湾外交部长：欧鸿錬，68岁，学历：大学，国立政治大学（1962）
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大陆司法部长：吴爱英，57岁，学历：研究生，中央党校
台湾法务部长：王清峰，56岁，学历：硕士，国立政治大学
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大陆交通与运输部长：李盛霖，62岁，学历：大学，镇江农业机械学院（1970）
台湾交通部长： 毛治国，60岁，学历：博士，麻省理工学院 （1982）
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大陆农业部长：孙政才，47岁，学历：博士，北京农业科学研究院
台湾农委会主委：陈武雄，64岁，学历：博士，美国伊利诺伊大学（1980）
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大陆共青团（非国务院管）：胡春华，45岁，学历：大学，北京大学（1983）
台湾青辅会主委：王昱婷，35岁，学历：硕士，北京大学
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大陆国家民族事务委员会：杨晶，55岁，学历：大专，内蒙古大学
台湾原住民委员会主委：章任香，55岁，学历：硕士，中国文化大学
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大陆人力资源和社会保障部：尹蔚民，55岁，学历：在职硕士
台湾劳工委员会主委：王如玄，47岁，学历：硕士，辅仁大学
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大陆环保部长：周生贤，59岁，学历：研究生，中央党校
台湾环保署长：沈世宏，58岁，学历：博士，国立台湾大学
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大陆卫生部长：陈竺，55岁，学历：博士，巴黎第七大学（1989）
台湾卫生署长：林芳郁，学历：博士，国立台湾大学

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Remarks of Senator Barack Obama "A More Perfect Union"

紫楠 发表于 2008-03-21 00:54:47

Remarks of Senator Barack Obama "A More Perfect Union"
Constitution Center
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
 
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."
Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.
I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.
Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.
This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.
On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.
I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.
As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way
But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:
"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."
That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.
I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.
These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.
Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.
But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.
The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.
Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.
Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.
Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.
A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.
And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.
Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.
Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.
This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.
But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.
For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.
Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.
The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.
For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.
We can do that.
But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.
That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.
This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.
This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.
This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.
I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.
There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.
Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."
"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.
But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.
 
关键词(Tag): ” more perfect “a obama union” “barack
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芝加哥大学社会思想委员会的考卷

紫楠 发表于 2008-03-10 18:03:19

Exam 1 
Imaginative Literature 
I-1. How satisfactory do you find the final verdict in Aeschylus' Eumenides 
I-2. In Hamlet there is a play within a play, directed in effect by Hamlet himself (Act III Scene ii). His aim is to discover the truth. According to his own instructions, his cautionary remarks to the Players ("suit the action to the word...," etc.), and his own intentions -- how do you think Hamlet would direct Hamlet? 

Philosophy, Religion, and Theology 
II-1. Augustine, Confessions. "Above all the Confessions is a confession of praise (confessio laudis)." In what sense does this proposition account for the book and its structure? In what sense does it not do so? 
II-2. Comment on the role of nature in Nietzsche's Beyond Good and Evil. 

History and Social Theory 
III-1. In Section Two of The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Burckhardt says that the Renaissance person was placed upon its own resources ("eine auf sich selbstgestellte Persönlichkeit". In what sense does Burckhardt's characterization of Renaissance culture reflect this characteristic of the personality? Illustrate it in terms of a few well-chosen cultural features. 
III-2. Tocqueville in De la démocratie en Amérique seems to believe that the evolving society will enable happiness, but not nobility; Weber in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism despairs of both. Why this difference? 


Exam 2 
Imaginative Literature 
I-1. Describe and discuss critically the language of jealousy in Eugene Onegin or Othello or the Odyssey. Whichever main text you choose, you have the option of alluding to the others by way of suggestive comparison. 
I-2. "Dostoevsky with his great genius had the opportunity to become a liberator of mankind. Instead he became one of its jailers." Comment with reference to Crime and Punishment. 
Comment. 

Philosophy, Religion, and Theology 
II-1. The unsystematic and unfinished form of Pascal's Pensées has been considered part of its strength by some readers and part of its weakness by others. Reflect on the issue of form in Pascal's Pensées for understanding the content of his position on the relation of "faith" and "reason." 
II-2. If the burning love to be with God is the driving power in the mystic, how can "detachment" be the key to mystical theology in Eckhart's German Sermons? 

History and Social Theory 
III-1. Discuss Herodotus' account of the Ionian Revolt (499 B.C.). What does this narrative tell us about his view of how history happens, and how things go wrong? 
III-2. "Thus the principle of equality, in proportion as it has established itself in the world, has dried up most of the old springs of poetry. Let us now attempt to show what new ones it may disclose." Democracy in America II, 1:23. Lolita might be read as yet another account of the fascination the unformed democracy of the new world holds for the weary civilization of the old. Discuss how much Nabokov, an aristocrat but a poet "living in democratic times," bears out Tocqueville's observations and predictions about the new "springs of poetry" and "the delineation of the ideal" in Democracy in America. 


Exam 3 
Imaginative Literature 
I-1. Comment on the significance of the choral "Ode to Man" ("Many wonders there be, but none more wondrous than man," line 333ff.) for the Antigone as a whole. 
I-2. "Remember that I am thy creature (the monster warns his maker). I ought to be thy Adam, but I am rather the fallen angel whom thou drivest from joy." Discuss the creator's obligations toward his "creature," toward himself, and toward society. How many monsters are there in Frankenstein? 

Philosophy, Religion, and Theology 
II-1. In a most succinct formulation about eros, Socrates (in the center of his speech in the Symposium) concludes that "eros is of the good to be one's own always." Yet, in the final portion of his speech (the "ladder", eros seems focused on the beautiful rather than on the good. What, according to Socrates' speech taken as a whole, is the relation between the beautiful and the good, and especially as they might be "objects" of eros? 
II-2. Heidegger's 1927 masterwork, Being and Time, was published only as a fragment, yet the question which ends the published version of the book seems a fitting conclusion. Its last sentence is: "Does time itself manifest itself as the horizon of Being?" What do you think this question means; and what sorts of considerations do you think Heidegger appeals to in the body of the book to support an affirmative answer to it? 

History and Social Theory 
III-1. "Thucydides' The Peloponnesian War exemplifies all the difficulties inherent in seeking and presenting historical knowledge." Discuss. 
III-2. What is Freud's theory of the retrospective assignment of meaning? How is this theory deployed in the argument in Moses and Monotheism? What is the significance of meaning being retrospectively conferred? 
关键词(Tag): 芝加哥大学社会思想委员会
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今年必背的英文范文－－陈冠希英文道歉信?

紫楠 发表于 2008-03-04 09:01:19

    前言：真的没想到陈冠希会用全英文做道歉陈述,虽然知道他是CBC(Canadian Born Chinese),但英文水平还是让我佩服。他500多字的道歉信, 用词准确地道，词汇难度较高，包含了50多个考研(雅思)核心词汇，经过改编完全可以成为一篇高质量的考研完形填空，或雅思阅读理解。Edison这小子虽然"猥琐"，但英文用词的难度达到了考研英语(国内最变态英语考试)的要求，如果参加雅思考试估计8分以上不成问题。

　　推荐理由: 超敬业的同声翻译, 不仅翻译准确及时, 而且激情投入感情充沛,让人感觉就像是自己刚刚拍了艳照被人发现.

　　Today I have come back to Hong Kong to stand before you and account for myself. I have never escaped from my responsibility. During the past few weeks, I have been with my mother and my family and my loved ones to show support and care and at the same time to have them support and care for me.

　　核心词汇解析

　　account for 1) 说明，解释；2) 占…比例

　　escape from从…逃脱, 推卸责任

　　escape＝es(ex=out) + cape(catch)

　　I admit that most of the photos being circulated on the Internet were taken by me. But these photos are very private and have not been shown to people and are never intended to be shown to anyone. These photos were stolen from me illegally and distributed without my consent.

　　核心词汇解析

　　circulate = circul(circle圆圈) + ate v.循环，流通

　　intend to v.打算去…

　　illegal = il(not) + legal (合法的) + ly adv.违法地

　　单词组记: distribute, contribute, attribute, tribute

　　distribute = dis(away)+ tribute(give) = give away vt.分发，传播

　　contribute = con(fully) + tribute vt.贡献; 投稿 [助记]全部都给了

　　attribute to v.归因于

　　tribute n.贡品，颂词 [助记] 给国王的礼物

　　单词组记:consent, dissent, resent, sentimental

　　consent = con(共同)+ sent(=sense情感) n.赞同，同意＝agreement

　　dissent = dis(not) + sent n.不同意 [助记]不同的情感 = disagreement

　　resent = re(against) + sent n.憎恨　[助记]　相对抗的情感= hatred

　　sentimental[谐音]三屉馒头,失恋了只吃三屉馒头,所以是---a.多愁善感的

 

There is no doubt whoever obtained these photos have them uploaded on the Internet with malicious and deliberate intent. This matter has deteriorated to theextent that society as a whole has been affected by this. In this regard, I am deeply saddened. I would like now to apologize to all the people for all the suffering that has been caused and the problems that have arisen from this. I would like to apologize to all the ladies and to all their families for any harm or hurt that they have been feeling. I am sorry. I would like to also apologize to my mother and my father for the pain and suffering I have caused them

　　during the past few weeks. Most importantly, I would like to say sorry to all the people of Hong Kong . I give my apology sincerely to you all, unreservedly and with my heart.

　　核心词汇解析

　　upload = up + load vt.上传(图片, 文件等)

　　download = down + load vt.下载(图片，文件等)

　　单词组记: mal-＝bad坏

　　malice = mal + ice(冰) n.恶意;【律】预谋, 蓄意 [助记]在路上放一块冰，想让陈冠希

　　滑倒，这是有预谋的恶意伤害。

　　malicious= malice(恶意) + ious(形容词) a.恶意的

　　mal-function n.功能紊乱

　　mal-nutrition n.营养不良

　　maltreat = mal + treat(对待) vt.虐待

　　单词组记: libra天平, deliberate, liberate, liberty, libertine, libido

　　一直到现在，英国的法院门口还站立着古希腊象征法律精神的正义女神(DICE)的雕像，她左手拿着神圣的天平Libra，象征着权衡和平等；右手拿着宝剑，象征着裁决和力量；眼睛被布蒙着，象征绝对的公正无私。

　　deliberate = de(强调) + libera(=libra) + ate a. 深思熟虑的, 故意的 [助记] 把你的想法放在天平上称量，引申为深思熟虑的，深思熟虑的结果当然是故意的

　　liberate = liber (自由=libera)+ ate vt.解放(让人民获得自由)

　　自由和天平有什么关系呢？

　　天平的主要作用就是要让两边重量相等，平等。解放全人类不就是让人民平等吗？人民解放军PLA：People’s Liberation Army liberation的职责就是解放全中国让中国人民平等自由

　　liberty n.自由

　　libertine这个单词叫"浪荡子"，原来就是“特别自由的人”的意思，” 挺(tin)自由(liber)的”

　　libido弗洛伊德的著作里面，他造出一个表示“性动力”的单词libido(中文翻译成“利比多”)，表达的就是这种本源的不受控制的力量。

　　单词组记:deteriorate,interior, exterior, territory

　　deteriorate = de(down) + terior(土地) +ate(动词) v.使恶化; 败坏(风俗); 使变坏(品质等) [助记] 品格败坏的人就应该入土活埋。

　　interior = in(into) + terior(土地) a.内部的，国内的

　　interior design　室内设计专业

　　exterior = ex (out)+ terior(土地) a.外部的，国外的

　　territory = territ(=terior)+ ory(地方) n.版图，疆土

　　to the extent 到了….程度

　　in this regard 在这一点上 = in this case

　　单词组记: 神奇的-en可以把形容词名词变为你想要的动词

　　sadden = sad + d + en vt.使人悲哀

　　strengthen = strength(strong的名词) + en vt.加强(力量)

　　weaken = weak + en vt.削弱

　　lengthen = length(long的名词) + en vt.延长

　　shorten = short + en vt.缩短

　　tighten = tight + en vt.拉紧

　　loosen = loose + en vt.放松

　　还有一个超级牛的单词前后都加en

　　enlighten= en + light + en vt.启蒙；(用思想)照亮

　　intent n.意图，打算

　　unreservedly = un + reserved(保留的) + ly(副词) adv.毫无保留地

 

　I know young people in Hong Kong look up to many figures in our society. And in this regard, I have failed. I failed as a role model. However, I wish this matter will teach everyone a lesson. To all the young people in our community, let this be a lesson for you all. This is not an example to be set for you.

　　核心词汇解析

　　look up to 仰望，尊重= respect

　　look down upon/on 鄙视，瞧不起=despise

　　role model 榜样

　　During my time away, I have made an important decision. I will whole-heartedly fulfill all commitments that I have to date. But after that, I decided to step away from the Hong Kong entertainment industry. I have decided to do this to give myself an opportunity to heal myself and to search my soul. I will dedicate my time to charity and community work within the next few months. I will be away from Hong Kong entertainment industry indefinitely. There is no time frame.

　　核心词汇解析

　　whole-heatedly 全心全意地; single-mindedly一心一意地

　　fulfill one's commitment vt.履行…的诺言

　　entertainment industry 娱乐业

　　health =heal(恢复健康) +th(名词)

　　heal (v.治愈，恢复) 是health的反向构词

　　dedicate to 把...奉献给,投身于...

　　charity = char(=care关心)+ ity(名词) n.慈善，慈善事业 [助记]关心穷人就是做慈善

　　I have been assisting the police since the first day the photos were published and I will continue to assist them. After this press con., I have obligation to help them with their investigation and hope that this case can end soon as everyone I think has the same wish.

　　核心词汇解析

　　assist = as(to) + sist(stand) vt. (站在一旁来) 协助

　　press con. = press conference 新闻发布会

　　press free. = press freedom 言论自由

　　press 是“压”的意思，怎么会变成“新闻”，“言论”呢？

　　因为最初的报纸都是油墨印刷,需要把纸紧紧的压在刻版上才能印刷出字来.所以press有了一个引申意:n.出版业,印刷业. 出版印刷业不就是发布新闻和言论的阵地吗?

　　obligation n.义务

　　investigation n.调查

　　I would like to use this opportunity to thank the police for their hard work on this case. Thank you. I believe everyone’s priority now (and) my priority now is to stop the suffering and pain, for not letting this…we do not want to let this situation become more out of control. We need to protect all the inno cents and all the young from matters like this. In this regard, I have instructed my lawyers to do everything possible within the law to protect all the innocents, victims of this case. I believe that a press statement is being issued as we speak on what my lawyers have advised me to do.

　　核心词汇解析

　　单词组记:prior to, priority

　　pri = pre是一个拉丁前缀表示before

　　[书面]prior to = [口语]before

　　小翻译 : 在你离开之前,请完成这项工作.

　　prior to your departure, please complete this task.

　　小翻译: 预先警告/通知 prior warning/notice.

　　priority = prior + ity(名词) n.优先考虑的事情, 优先权

　　单词组忆: victor, victory, victim

　　vict中的V象征着胜利，vict-表示征服

　　victory n.胜利

　　victor =vict + or(人) n.胜利者, 征服者

　　victim = vict + im(我是) [助记]我是被征服了，当然就成了n.受害人，牺牲品

　　innocent = in + no + cent(一分钱) [助忆]兜里没有一分钱, 所以没有偷窃, 是无辜的

　　a. 无辜的, 天真的

　　instruct = in + struct(构造) vt.传授，告知 [助记]内心中去构建知识或信息

　　Lastly, I would like to thank everyone for coming here today and listening to what I have to say. I would like to also apologize once again to all the ladies and their families, my family and to everyone in Hong Kong and everyone in our society. I am deeply saddened by this. And I apologize to everyone (who) has to go through this. I would like to also thank you for giving me this opportunity to say what I have wanted to say all along in my heart.

　　I hope, after today, I can have your forgiveness. With regard to this case, with everything, everything that has happened, I am deeply sorry. I hope you all accept my apology and give me a chance. Thank you.

　　[书]with regard to关于= [口]about

关键词(Tag): 英文 陈冠希 道歉信 英文范文
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一个很不错的PDF电子资源网站

紫楠 发表于 2008-01-27 23:05:37

 这是一个很不错的PDF电子资源网站，以交流和分享为目的，名字就叫“中文PDF图书分享”。除了教你怎么制作电子书（word、pdf、rtf 互转）外，它有许多许多PDF格式的电子书，它按学习、娱乐、休闲等分成了三个区，而每个区里面又分了很多类。

刚刚在里面找到了自己寻觅甚久的阿克曼之《我们人民》。这个寒假回家写论文就不用带N多大部头的书了。

网址是：www.chinesepdf.com   请链接 http://www.chinesepdf.com/register.php?invitecode=77f6033b05nBtf6c注册：）

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The Ten Commandments(摩西十诫)

紫楠 发表于 2008-01-09 00:04:56

The Ten Commandments(摩西十诫)

　　First
　　"I am The Lord your God, Who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. You shall have no other gods before Me."
　　(第一条：我是耶和华－你的上帝，曾将你从埃及地为奴之家领出来，除了我之外，你不可有别的神。)

　　Second
　　"You shall not make for yourself a graven image, or any likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth; you shall not bow down to them or serve them; for I The Lord your God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children to the third and the fourth generation of those who hate Me, but showing steadfast love to thousands of those who love Me and keep My Commandments."
　　(第二条：不可为自己雕刻偶像，也不可做什么形象仿佛上天、下地，和地底下、水中的百物。不可跪拜那些像，也不可事奉它，因为我耶和华－你的上帝是忌邪的上帝。恨我的，我必追讨他的罪，自父及子，直到三四代；爱我、守我戒命的，我必向他们发慈爱，直到千代。)

　　Third
　　"You shall not take The Name of The Lord your God in vain; for The Lord will not hold him guiltless who takes His Name in vain."
　　(第三条：不可妄称耶和华－你上帝的名；因为妄称耶和华名的，耶和华必不以他为无罪。)

　　Fourth
　　"Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days you shall labor, and do all your work; but the seventh day is a Sabbath to The Lord your God; in it you shall not do any work, you, or your son, or your daughter, your manservant, or your maidservant, or your cattle, or the sojourner who is within your gates; for in six days The Lord made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that is in them, and rested the seventh day; therefore The Lord blessed the Sabbath day and hallowed it."
　　(第四条：当记念安息日，守为圣日。六日要劳碌做你的工，但第七日是向耶和华－你上帝当守的安息日。这一日你和你的儿女、仆婢、牲畜，并你城里寄居的客旅，无论何工都不可做；因为六日之内，耶和华造天、地、海，和其中的万物，第七日便安息，所以耶和华赐福与安息日，定为圣日。)


　　Fifth
　　"Honor your father and your mother, that your days may be long in the land which The Lord your God gives you."
　　(第五条：当孝敬父母，使你的日子在耶和华－你上帝所赐你的土地上得以长久。)

　　Sixth
　　"You shall not kill."
　　(第六条：不可杀人。)

　　Seventh
　　"You shall not commit adultery."
　　(第七条：不可奸淫。)

　　Eighth
　　"You shall not steal."
　　(第八条：不可偷盗。)

　　Ninth
　　"You shall not bear false witness against your neighbor."
　　(第九条：不可做假见证陷害人。)

　　Tenth
　　"You shall not covet your neighbor s house; you shall not covet your neighbor s wife, or his manservant, or his maidservant, or his ox, or his ass, or anything that is your neighbor s."
　　(第十条：不可贪恋人的房屋；也不可贪恋人的妻子、仆婢、牛驴，并他一切所有的)
关键词(Tag): the ten commandments(摩西十诫)
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中国大校透露：解放军很快会“小打”一次！！！

紫楠 发表于 2007-12-29 23:07:05

        中国海军陆战队两栖坦克向滩头发起进攻

　　台独势力越来越嚣张，台海危机日趋升温。中国人民解放军军事学院战役战术部研究员、大校朱绍鹏昨天在深圳演讲时表示，就算是要牺牲包括我在内的60万将士，解放军也会义无反顾地打好这一仗！解放军对台作战的基本原则和作战思路──“攻心为上、夺控为重；岛内决战、岛外决胜”。

　　进入7月底8月初，大陆、台湾与美方的军演交错进行。台军更在金门掉转炮口，对准大陆方向进行实弹炮击训练．

　　中国人民解放军军事学院战役战术部研究员、大校朱绍鹏昨天在深圳演讲时表示，如果台独分子一再挑衅大陆、挑衅一中原则的话，解放军将被迫采取动作──“台海必有一战，而且，这一战，不会等待很长的时间，双方可能会小打”。他强调，“这不会很慢，你很快就会看到。”商报记者刘和平

　　不惜牺牲义无反顾

　　朱绍鹏此次是应深圳报业集团旗下《晶报》的邀请，到深圳作题为“战争阴云下的台海局势”的演讲。【更多精彩，尽在★军事第一播报★ http://jsdybb.netsh.com.cn】

　　这位1949年出生、现供职解放军军事科学院战役战术部研究员的大校，长期从事作战理论研究，并担任国防大学和部队多所中高级指挥院校的兼职(客座)教授。

　　朱绍鹏表示，随著台独势力日益嚣张，目前台海形势已经越来越严峻，越来越复杂。“台海必有一战”的断言，正逐渐变为现实，解放军采取武力解决这一问题，是无奈之举，是被迫之举。50多年来，大陆始终本著和平统一的立场和原则，争取对岸，争取宝岛回归，但事实一再证明，岛内台独势力日益坐大，去中国化的趋势日益增加，在这种情况下，中国人民解放军将被迫对台一战。

　　争取岛外解决问题

　　朱大校说，其实，中国前后三代领导人毛泽东、邓小平、江主席，都作好了“台海要打一仗”的思想准备。

　　朱绍鹏讲话充满激情，他说，这场战争，对中国人民解放军来说，既不是传统意义上的人民战争，也不是解放军以前打过的机械化战争，而是一场全新的高科技战争。解放军将会采取“攻心为上、夺控为重、岛内决战、岛外决胜”的作战方针。在一般情况下，解放军尽量不要上岛，争取在岛外解决问题。【更多精彩，尽在★军事第一播报★ http://jsdybb.netsh.com.cn】

　　朱绍鹏预计，鋻于目前的台海局势，解放军会把对台作战看成是一个长期的连续过程，会先从小动作做起，逐步形成对台动武的有利战略态势，并在合适时期发起关键性行动，以达到军事行动的政治目的。

　　朱绍鹏面对聆听演讲的听众说：“这个小动作，不会让你们等很长的时间，不会很慢，在座的很快就会看到，双方会小打”。他进一步透露说，解放军的所谓“小打”，会先拿下金门、马祖，俘虏岛上的4万守军，给台独势力造成政治上的压力。他补充说，解放军所以这样做，是因为，金门和马祖这两个小岛，不在“美国对台关系法”的保护范围内，届时，美方将找不到干预的借口。

　　而对于攻岛的关键性行动，朱绍鹏解释说，解放军将会首先选择台方的指挥机构、观察系统进行打击，其次分别攻击作战系统和关系台湾经济运行和社会稳定的经济要点。

　　两周内拿下台湾

　　有现场听众问，台军有将近40万士兵，且拥有美方提供的先进武器作后盾，有报道说，解放军要拿下台湾，可能会面临著牺牲60余万将士的代价。解放军是否真有决心打赢这一仗？【更多精彩，尽在★军事第一播报★ http://jsdybb.netsh.com.cn】

　　朱绍鹏对此斩钉截铁地说，假如没有美方的介入，解放军可以在一至两周内拿下台湾。退一步讲，就算是要牺牲包括我在内的60万将士，解放军也会义无反顾地打好这一仗。

　　台湾无能力以武拒统

　　朱绍鹏认为，可以肯定的是，从军事上来讲，台湾“没有资格独立”。他表示今天的战争已不同于传统作战，它是一场信息化程度很高的战争，强调信息获取、信息支援、信息保障、远程精确打击、军队快速反应、综合保障能力等等，这些因素决定了战争的胜负。从其中几方面来讲，台湾就不具备“搞独立”的“资格”。

　　第一，信息获取方面，虽然有美国的支援，台湾自己也搞了一些信息系统，但如果两岸真正打起来，由于台湾岛太小，这些信息系统很容易就在开战之初就摧毁，因而会很快失去信息优势。

　　台导弹只是二流产品

　　第二，导弹远程精确打击能力和抗打击能力太弱。台湾虽从外国购进了许多导弹，自身也在不断仿制和生产一些，但终归是人家的二流产品，与解放军的导弹比起来存在很大差距。解放军的导弹研制有40多年的历史了，生产的导弹可以从外太空到贴近水面的全空间对台湾实施多个角度导弹攻击，战端一开，将令他们防不胜防。